In the variety of Italian spoken in Bari, polar questions typically have a complex rising-falling(-rising) tune, extending from the last lexical stress to the end of the phrase, whereas statements have a low-falling tune. When polar questions end in a word with final stress, the realization of the complex tune has little time to unfold and thus risks being impoverished. We conducted a production study to investigate how speakers realize these two tunes on words with final open syllables that are stressed (sofà [so'fa] ‘sofa’) or unstressed (palo ['palo] ‘pole’). Results show that when the final vowel is stressed, its duration is considerably longer in questions than in statements (β = 111ms). We interpret this to mean that the realization of the intonation contour is facilitated by extra duration on the vowel, thus providing evidence for tonally conditioned adjustments to segment durations.

Tune-text negotiation: the effect of intonation on vowel duration

Michelina Savino;
2019-01-01

Abstract

In the variety of Italian spoken in Bari, polar questions typically have a complex rising-falling(-rising) tune, extending from the last lexical stress to the end of the phrase, whereas statements have a low-falling tune. When polar questions end in a word with final stress, the realization of the complex tune has little time to unfold and thus risks being impoverished. We conducted a production study to investigate how speakers realize these two tunes on words with final open syllables that are stressed (sofà [so'fa] ‘sofa’) or unstressed (palo ['palo] ‘pole’). Results show that when the final vowel is stressed, its duration is considerably longer in questions than in statements (β = 111ms). We interpret this to mean that the realization of the intonation contour is facilitated by extra duration on the vowel, thus providing evidence for tonally conditioned adjustments to segment durations.
2019
978-0-646-80069-1
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/11586/242263
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