The servitus poenae, on the nature of which as a form of slavery, although sui generis, it is not lawful to raise doubts, represented during the age of the principality the necessary instrument to regulate the legal condition of the condemned in cases where the latter had been subject to a capitis deminutio maxima and, possibly, also destined to die, but the method of execution of the sentence provided for the passage of a period of time, before the killing of the condemned took place. The slave of the penalty would have fallen into a particular legal condition: similar in many ways to a servus fisci. A consolidated doctrine tends to reconnect the birth of the institution of servitus poenae to a rescript of Antoninus Pius, reported in D. 29.2.25.3 (Ulp. 8 ad Sab.), D. 34.8.3 (Marc. 11 Inst.) and D. 49.14.12 (Call. 6 de cogn.), where certain purchases in favor of the imperial tax authorities were excluded, since the condemned person should have been considered as servus poenae and not Caesaris. The Plinian epistles contained in Plin., Ep. 10.31.2-3 where Pliny states that in many cities, and especially in Nicomedia and Nicaea, some condemned to forced labor, circus games or other similar penalties, performed the functions and services of public servants and, in that capacity, even received an annual salary. The answer he obtained from Trajan is contained in Plin., Ep. 10.32.1-2. Trajan points out that those who had been convicted during the last decade and released without the intervention of the competent authority, would have to atone for their punishment. Instead, the older ones and those convicted before the last decade would have had to perform those services related to their penalties, such as the maintenance of baths and roads and the cleaning of sewers. In addressing this concrete problem, a series of penalties were identified that would have made the condemned legally different from other servants; and this, regardless of a purely definitional problem consisting in whether or not to use the syntagma servitus poenae. What is interesting to demonstrate is that in the eyes of the emperor, his chancellery, magistrates, and imperial officials, there were particularly serious penalties, such as to place the condemned in a rather peculiar condition compared to other categories of slaves; therefore, penalties so heavy as to make him "servant of the penalty itself."
La servitus poenae, sulla cui natura di forma di schiavitù, per quanto sui generis, non è lecito avanzare dubbi, rappresentò durante l’età del principato lo strumento necessario a disciplinare la condizione giuridica del condannato nei casi in cui, quest’ultimo, fosse stato soggetto a una capitis deminutio maxima e, eventualmente, anche destinato a morire, ma la modalità di esecuzione della condanna prevedeva il trascorrere di un periodo di tempo, prima che l’uccisione del condannato avesse luogo. Il servo della pena sarebbe caduto in una condizione giuridica particolare: assimilabile per molti versi ad un servus fisci. Una dottrina consolidata tende a ricollegare la nascita dell’istituto della servitus poenae a un rescritto di Antonino Pio, riportato in D. 29.2.25.3 (Ulp. 8 ad Sab.), D. 34.8.3 (Marc. 11 Inst.) e D. 49.14.12 (Call. 6 de cogn.), dove si escludevano determinati acquisti in favore del fisco imperiale, in quanto si sarebbe dovuto considerare il condannato quale servus poenae e non Caesaris. Si sono analizzate le epistole plinane contenute in Plin., Ep. 10.31.2-3 dove Plinio afferma che in molte città, e soprattutto a Nicomedia e a Nicea, alcuni condannati ai lavori forzati, ai giochi del circo o ad altre pene dello stesso genere, svolgevano le funzioni e i servizi di servi publici e, in tale qualità, percepivano perfino una retribuzione annuale. La risposta che ottenne da Traiano è contenuta in Plin., Ep. 10.32.1-2. Traiano puntualizza che coloro i quali erano stati condannati nel corso dell’ultimo decennio e rimessi in libertà senza l’intervento dell’autorità competente, avrebbero dovuto espiare la loro pena. Invece, quelli più anziani e quelli condannati anteriormente all’ultimo decennio avrebbero dovuto svolgere quei servizi affini alle loro pene, quali la manutenzione dei bagni e delle strade e la ripulitura delle fogne. Affrontando questa problematica concreta, si individuarono una serie di pene che avrebbero reso i condannati giuridicamente diversi dagli altri servi; e questo, a prescindere da un problema meramente definitorio consistente nell’utilizzare o meno il sintagma servitus poenae. Ciò che interessa dimostrare è che agli occhi dell’imperatore, della sua cancelleria, dei magistrati e dei funzionari imperiali esistevano pene particolarmente gravi, tali da porre il condannato in una condizione alquanto peculiare rispetto ad altre categorie di schiavi; quindi, pene così pesanti da renderlo “servo della pena stessa”.
Qualche osservazione sulla servitus poenae
Piacente, Daniele Vittorio
2024-01-01
Abstract
The servitus poenae, on the nature of which as a form of slavery, although sui generis, it is not lawful to raise doubts, represented during the age of the principality the necessary instrument to regulate the legal condition of the condemned in cases where the latter had been subject to a capitis deminutio maxima and, possibly, also destined to die, but the method of execution of the sentence provided for the passage of a period of time, before the killing of the condemned took place. The slave of the penalty would have fallen into a particular legal condition: similar in many ways to a servus fisci. A consolidated doctrine tends to reconnect the birth of the institution of servitus poenae to a rescript of Antoninus Pius, reported in D. 29.2.25.3 (Ulp. 8 ad Sab.), D. 34.8.3 (Marc. 11 Inst.) and D. 49.14.12 (Call. 6 de cogn.), where certain purchases in favor of the imperial tax authorities were excluded, since the condemned person should have been considered as servus poenae and not Caesaris. The Plinian epistles contained in Plin., Ep. 10.31.2-3 where Pliny states that in many cities, and especially in Nicomedia and Nicaea, some condemned to forced labor, circus games or other similar penalties, performed the functions and services of public servants and, in that capacity, even received an annual salary. The answer he obtained from Trajan is contained in Plin., Ep. 10.32.1-2. Trajan points out that those who had been convicted during the last decade and released without the intervention of the competent authority, would have to atone for their punishment. Instead, the older ones and those convicted before the last decade would have had to perform those services related to their penalties, such as the maintenance of baths and roads and the cleaning of sewers. In addressing this concrete problem, a series of penalties were identified that would have made the condemned legally different from other servants; and this, regardless of a purely definitional problem consisting in whether or not to use the syntagma servitus poenae. What is interesting to demonstrate is that in the eyes of the emperor, his chancellery, magistrates, and imperial officials, there were particularly serious penalties, such as to place the condemned in a rather peculiar condition compared to other categories of slaves; therefore, penalties so heavy as to make him "servant of the penalty itself."I documenti in IRIS sono protetti da copyright e tutti i diritti sono riservati, salvo diversa indicazione.


